J. N. Darby
Research Papers – Part 1
by Max S. Weremchuk

Corofin is in County Clare in Ireland. I wrote there and came into contact with very friendly and helpful historians - particularly Ciaran "murchadha.

"Captain Rock" here was not a real person. What is being referred to here are the Rockites. Something like a "civil rights" or protest group. Groups with a religious grievance of some sort, either with their landlord or local Church of Ireland clergyman or similar, used the designation "Captain Rock".

Ciaran "murchadha wrote to me in this connection:

"This type of letter, or often notice, posted outside recipient's residence, as you probably know, were extremely common in Ireland throughout the nineteenth century. This one appears to be somebody's copy, as the handwriting seems too practised: often the writers were near illiterate, or tried to present themselves as so being in order to disguise penmanship that would otherwise be recognisable. The Captain Rock signature is also typical: others would have been Captain Starlight or Captain Moonlight. It may be that there is a police report on this in the relevant files in the Chief Secretary's Office, in the National Archives."

"In the late 1820s County Clare, and parts of the adjoining counties of Limerick and Tipperary were convulsed by an agrarian uprising brought about by a movement whose participants were known as the Terry Alts. Although poor market conditions had much to do with this explosion of popular anger, it was expressed in anti-Protestant sentiment because of the injustice of the whole tithing issue, etc.

This was also the time of Emancipation, which as you will known was achieved after O'Connell's victory in the Clare election of 1828. Sectarian passion was high enough as it was, but to make things worse the Terry Alt rising, and the O'Connellite agitation coincided with an intensive missionary campaign in parts of Ireland by evangelical Protestants, the first phase of the famous 'Second Reformation.'

In Clare the centre of the Evangelical Mission was Corofin and the neighbouring parish of Ruan/Dysert, where a local landlord named Edward Synge (kinsman to the later J. Millington Synge) made a determined attempt to proselytise his Catholic tenants, with bitter results that are still remembered today.

At Corofin he established a 'colony' with all the usual paraphernalia, schools, scripture readers and so on, and his activities brought much an angry reaction from the Catholic population, particularly those who were prepared to take direct unlawful action to redress perceived grievance."

But he also mentioned something which got me very excited:

"Rev. Darby clearly was one of the evangelical clergymen at the Corofin colony, where local lore has it 'Bibles were as common as raspberries.' You should find a reference to this in Ignatius Murphy's The Diocese of Killaloe 1800-1850 (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 1993), and in Flan Enright's article, 'Edward Synge, the Dysert Proselytiser' in The Other Clare, vol. 8 (1982), pp. 8-11."

So I went on a search in the internet and found the following under O'De Online:

"Most of the lands of Dysert (which for centuries belonged to the Diocese of Killaloe) went to the family of Synge which had been involved in ecclesiastic affairs in the Established Church since the 1670s. Nicholas Synge was Bishop of Killaloe in the middle of the eighteenth century and was probably responsible for the building of the fine three-story house at Carhoo in Dysert. Edward Synge, who gained control of the land in 1823, was a religious fanatic who swore to stamp out the great evil of "Papism". Edward Synge build schools which taught religious instructions most of the day. Through strongly opposed by the parish priest in Corofin, he continued his religious missionary zeal until his Dysert school was burned during the night in 1826. Synge himself captured two of the miscreants where upon a police guard was placed upon his house. Things came to a head on Ash Wednesday in 1831, when shots were fired at Edward Synge's car as he was returning home from Corofin. His driver was killed while Synge was miraculously saved by a Bible he always carried in his breast pocket. (The Bible and bullet are today on display at the Corofin Heritage Center.) Edward's son, Francis Hutchinson Synge, took over the Dysert lands in the latter half of the nineteenth century and carried out much needed repairs to the old chapel of the O'Deas, the round tower, and the high cross. He is buried under a stone of polished granite just outside the walls of the Dysert O'Dea church."

This got me all the more excited, because it also reminded me of a William Kelly remark in a letter dated 22 February, 1901:

"You are likely right as to Sir F(rancis) H(utchinson); but I cannot speak with certainty. Dr O'B(rien), the famous bishop of Ossory, married Mr Darby's niece, daughter of the Lord Chief Justice Pennefather. Mr Synge of Syngefield was a remarkable early, who stood through the shots of the Tipperary murderers day and night unharmed. A bullet was once stopped at John XVII.15 over his heart. His servant was shot beside him in driving. So was his brother whom Lady Powerscourt used to call "Naughty William Sadleir:" a fire-eater, etc, etc, but next a lamb."

I recently found mention of this in the Fry MSS as well, large book, page 239 (from vol. 8, p. 26):

"After his" (Darby's) "return to Ireland Mr. Synge was shot. Darby heard of it and was so concerned. He was so poor that we helped him through it."

This is helpful in placing Darby's visit and meeting with Newton. Mr Synge was shot "Ash Wednesday in 1831" which took place - as Newton writes - after Darby returned to Ireland.

Darby was not just involved with John Synge and Francis Hutchinson, but also with Edward Synge. This the "Captain Rock" letter confirms.

In the past lettering writing - or posting - was expensive. They did not use envelopes. The letter was written on one side and then folded together with the address of the recipient on the other side (enclosures cost extra). The letter in question has been glued to another sheet as reinforcement. On the one hand this was a good idea because otherwise the letter would have fallen apart, on the other hand it is not good because the address is now covered. The letter is glued in such a way that trying to remove it would destroy it. You can see the address when held up against the light - but not clearly.

"Darby of" is clear the rest is difficult.

It seems to read "Delivered to _ _ _
Darby of _ _ _"

One of my sons meant, after "Darby of" it seems to be "Dy_ _ _" I agreed. And an "s". "Dys _ _" At first it didn't make sense. And then, and then!, I looked at Ciaran "murchadha's email again. "Edward Synge, the DYSERT Proselytiser"!! Looking at the letter again it was clear. "Dys _ _ t"

Darby was staying at Edward Synge's place at the time in question.

Ciaran "murchadha had more helpful information for me:

"And here I may have more information of value. Synge himself deviated from his Church of Ireland connection, after experiencing a form of spiritual conversion shortly after arriving at Carhue, Dysert in 1823 to manage his family's estates. According to Enright his religious beliefs made him 'equally distant from Protestant and Catholic.'!

A brother of his, Colonel Charles Synge was an extensive landowner on Mount Callan, Inagh parish in Clare.

There is a Powerscourt connection here locally. One of the few decent landlords in Clare during the mid-nineteenth century was Colonel Wingfield, as you are aware, the family name of the Powerscourts, and owned land near Ennistymon."

The interconnections among the early Brethren, particularly among the "Gentry", are amazing. Much more than the usual published material shows. Darby had very early connections to Rev. Daly and through this with many others - but more of that in my next mail. xxx

This is helpful in placing Darby's visit and meeting with Newton. Mr Synge was shot "Ash Wednesday in 1831" which took place - as Newton writes - after Darby returned to Ireland.

There are however problems with this deduction and they arise from Weremchuk’s having inserted between 'his' and 'return' the word (Darby’s) which is not in the original. In the interests of accuracy I make the following points as I did to Weremchuk:

In the quoted text the poor must refer to Darby and not Synge who was both wealthy and unscathed in the assassination attempt (preserved by a bible in his pocket). If Darby was ‘poor’ in his spirits and Newton and his friends were ‘helping him through it’ Darby must have been in England not Ireland.

Darby was certainly in Oxford on February 6^th 1831 when he heard Bulteel’s sermon. From John Hill’s Diary we know too that he was also in Oxford for the Jews’ Society anniversary meeting on March 8

Dr Burton’s reply to Bulteel was published two days after Ash Wednesday on Friday 18^th February and Darby’s reply to Burton (published in Oxford) was (according to Newton) researched in Oxford, using the Exeter College library.

It is highly likely therefore that Darby was in Oxford on Ash Wednesday.

So why does the Fry MS say “After his return to Ireland” ? In my opinion the ‘his’ is more likely to refer to Synge and not to Darby. It is quite possible that Synge had been in England – indeed he may well have been with Darby and Newton in the Plymouth area. After all, his cousin John Synge was still living at Teignmouth in Devon and was certainly sympathetic to and supportive of Bulteel during his West Country preaching tour after the Oxford sermon. [John Synge only returned to Ireland in 1832 – see my ‘John Synge and the Early Brethren’ Journal of CBRF No.28 (1976) pp. 44-5]

I readily admit that Edward’s visit to England is only conjectural but it makes better sense than Newton and friends comforting Darby when they are in England and Darby is in Ireland.

I realise that this is a very small matter, but the years 1829-32 are a very important period in JND’s spiritual development, and to understand it we need to know where he was. I have pursued some of this question in my essay “Influences in the early development of John Nelson Darby” in Crawford Gribben, Timothy C.F. Stunt [eds], Prisoners of Hope? : Aspects of Evangelical Millennialism in Britain and Ireland, 1800-1880 [Studies in Evangelical History and Thought] (Carlisle [Paternoster Press] 2004) pp. 44-68.

There is so much on your very fine web-site that I can hardly keep up with it!

With warmest good wishes, Timothy Stunt

From: Max S. Weremchuk
Thu, 20 Mar 2003

Hi Gordon,
I must come back to my remarks on the 'Catholic' influence on Darby with an astounding piece of information – for me at least. Others may think: So, he finally noticed.

Parallels have often been drawn between the life of John Nelson Darby and John Henry Newman:

JND was born in November 1800

JHN was born in February 1801
JND went to Trinity College, Dublin

JHN went to Trinity College, Oxford
JND was ordained deacon in 1825

JHN was ordained priest in 1825.

The connection between the two was JHN's brother FWN. Or was that the only one?

JND was admitted to Lincoln's Inn on November 9, 1819

JHN was admitted to the same Inn on November

19, 1819, 10 days later!

Apparently Ward in his 'Life of Cardinal Newman' is wrong with his June 1819 date for that.

• It is quite possible, but not necessarily so, that they met each other during their 'Lincoln' time.
  • This time at Lincoln's Inn was not a good one for Newman, which may explain the reason for the sparse information I have been to gather on it.

• JHN not mentioning JND need not mean they did not know each other.

• There is a similar case. JND and Philpot knew each other at an important point in their lives and yet they are both strangely silent, or almost silent, on this.

JHN had a conversion experience in 1816. Darby's was later, in either June/July 1820 or 1821.

• Both were greatly influenced through the ministry of Thomas Scott, which both confessed to
  • – amazing in JND's case because he otherwise refrains from mentioning influences, and expressly mentiona his 'Essays' as important for them [? him].

• Interesting thing is that JHN quit law and decided to take Orders in 1821. Why is this year so significant in the lives of these two men?

• During this time Darby was attracted to Rome, but became convinced it was the wrong path.
  • JHN first became ordained in the Anglican Church and later became Roman Catholic.

I find this all to be very fascinating.

From: Max S. Weremchuk
Tue, 25 Mar 2003

Hi People!
I haven't heard from any of you about my last two mails dealing with John Henry Newman and Darby. Did you get them?

My further researches show that it would have been nigh to a miracle if Darby and Newman had not met at Lincoln's Inn.

• Keeping Terms was very strict – and could get costly – so they were sure to have been together several times.

I am getting pretty excited about a lead which has turned up and which might prove to be very helpful in getting together who could have had a theological influence on Darby in the beginning.

• My clues seem to have a confirmation through facts in my other Darby material.

• I'll give this info further once Gordon – if you are willing to do so Gordon – has the other J. H. Newman material on his site. Please, some interaction!

From: Max S. Weremchuk
Sun, 30 Mar 2003

Hi Gordon,
As to my new lead: I will wait until I receive a certain book from England and have checked some points before I pass my information on.

• I don't want to be getting ahead of myself. It has do with possible influences of a prophetic character.

• As I recently wrote Tim Grass, I believe we have often made a mistake in looking for sources where we can say this is an obvious or direct influence.

• I believe that Darby, in the main, was influenced by views which oppposed the view he is so well known for. He reacted to what he considered wrong views and thus formed his "own".

• In Darby's case the things are backwards. I would not say he did it purposely or consciously, but it is almost as if he was driven to "come up" with a different view.

Hi Gordon, I have not finished my studies on Darby at Lincoln's Inn yet - to the contrary, I seem to be only beginning - but as I have kept promising you material I'm sending this now as it is.

Darby was at Lincoln's Inn from 1819 to 1822.
William Warburton, the later Bishop of Gloucester, was preacher to Lincoln's Inn in 1746.

From: "A Short History of Lincoln"s Inn" Sir Gerald Hurst, K.C., Constable, London, 1946, p. 76

"In 1768 Bishop Warburton endowed a lectureship, which still bears his name, in order that the Society should have the advantage for ever of sermons "to prove the truth of revealed religion", and, in particular, "to explain prophecies in the Old and New Testament which relate to the Christian Church, especially to the apostacy of Papal Rome".

From: "The Students Guide Through Lincoln's Inn" Thomas Lane, London, 1823, pp. 27-28

"In 1768 a course of lectures, in the form of sermons, was founded by the bishop of Gloucester (Dr. Warburton), late preacher to this society, for proving the truth of the Christian religion from the completion of the prophecies in the Old and New Testament. These lectures continue to be regularly delivered , pursuant to the direction of the founder, on the first Sunday after Michaelmas term [ended November 28] and the Sunday immediately before and after Hilary term.* [began 23 January, ended 12 February]

A preacher and chaplain are appointed by the society; and divine service is re"gularly performed here on Sundays, as well as on the usual days appointed by the church.

*The first person who preached the Warburton lec"tures was Bishop Hurd, who was succeeded in this duty by Halifax bishop of Exeter, Bagot bishop of St. Asaph, Dr. Aptborpe, Dr. Nicholson, Dr. Layard, the rev. Richard Nares, Dr. Pearson, the rev. Philip Allwood, rev. John Davison, and the present lecturer, the rev. Thomas Reynell."

Looking at the list of books from Darby's library which were auctioned after his death the following is among them:

Warburton (Bp.) Works, with Life by Bp. Hurd, 12 vol. portrait 1811

Hurd Letters to Hurd, portraits 1809

Hurd Tracts 1789

Hurd Unpublished Papers, by Kilvert, plates 1841

Apparently these works were of interest to Darby.

John Davison (1777-1834), mentioned above, was the Lecturer for the time period from 1819 to 1823 - covering the time Darby was at Lincoln's Inn. His lectures were published as "Discourses on Prophecy; Its Structure, Use and Inspiration". (This volume is not in the Darby Library list - which does not mean Darby did not have it. Not all his volumes were offered for auction. Spurgeon has this volume in his list of Commentaries.)

If my calculations are correct, the Lectures relevant to Darby's time at Linlcon's Inn would have been:

1819: 21 November

1820: 16 January, 13 February, 26 November

1821: 21 January, 18 February, 25 November

1822: 20 January

Did Darby attend? Did they have any influence?

(I have just recently obtained a copy of Davison's book and still need to read it. Skimming through it there definitely are points that could have been a stimulus. "Dispensations" reoccurs often enough. But at this time prophecy was not of such importance to Darby as questions regarding salvation and Rome were. For many years Darby held the "standard" view. Only later did prophecy become prominent when he began to develop his own views.

For this reason I am very reluctant to place any great weight on Darby's time at Trinity College and any influences he might have had while there. - I have been able to find out that he did NOT attend the divinity lectures! - While at Trinity Darby was still an unbeliever. He came to saving faith while in London. The years immediately following this give no indication of anything near a pre-trib-rapture in his thoughts.

In the past I had considered Francis Newman's comments on the end times in his well known description of Darby in "Phases of Faith" as being his own false interpretation - but very probably Newman (strongly influenced by Darby) WAS giving Darby's view as it was then. My conviction is becoming stronger that looking for direct influences for Darby's "rapture" view is futile. Darby was reacting to many of the views surrounding him. They may have given him impulses, but more in the sense that he developed his views in reaction to them. When Bellett returned to Dublin all excited with new insights Darby reacted to it by saying he had his own. Ones developed BEFORE Bellett returned.)

The Chaplain during Darby's time at Lincoln's Inn was William Walker. The Preacher was Charles Lloyd (from June 1819 to February 1822, later Bishop of Oxford). Did any of these men influence Darby?

After Darby converted he struggled with the attractions of the Roman Church. He went through trials that John Henry Newman (enrolled at Lincoln's Inn 10 days after Darby) would go through years later.

The following quotes are from Darby's "Analysis of Dr. Newman"s Apologia pro vita sua: With a Glance at the History of Popes, Councils, and the Church" in Collected Writings 18. Darby says of the struggles Newman experienced:

"In many things I agree; many of his thoughts I have gone over in my own mind." (p. 158)

(Darby uses similar language when reviewing John Henry Newman's brother Francis' book "Phases of Faith.": "for I also have had my 'phases of faith'", CW6:27. Though going through experiences similar to those of the Newman brothers Darby came to very different conclusions. The "Catholic" period in Darby's life is something I am working on as an extra item.)

What is of interest here are the two following remarks by Darby: "I looked for the church. Not having peace in my soul, nor knowing yet where peace is, I too, governed by a morbid imagination, thought much of Rome, and its professed sanctity, and catholicity, and antiquity - not of the possession of divine truth and of Christ myself. Protestantism met none of these feelings, and I was rather a bore to my clergyman by acting on the rubrics. I looked out for something more like reverend antiquity. I was really much in Dr. Newman's state of mind." (p. 145) "I fasted in Lent so as to be weak in body at the end of it; ate no meat on week days"nothing till evening on Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays, then a little bread or nothing; observed strictly the weekly fasts, too. I went to my clergyman always if I wished to take the sacrament, that he might judge of the matter. I held apostolic succession fully, and the channels of grace to be there only. I held thus Luther and Calvin and their followers to be outside. I was not their judge, but I left them to the uncovenanted mercies of God. I searched with earnest diligence into the evidences of apostolic succession in England, and just saved their validity for myself and my conscience. The union of church and state I held to be Babylonish, that the church ought to govern itself, and that she was in bondage but was the church." (p. 156)

Who was this clergyman? (A number of possibilities have turned up and I am following up the names I have in the hope of being able to find out more. This will probably take some time.)

Taking some of the above remarks and comparing them with others it seems to be that Darby, though rightly termed a "High Churchman" during this period in his life, was not a fully convinced Anglican. It was the best he could find at the time. This would also explain his remarks that "I was induced to be ordained." "I did not feel drawn to take up a regular post." He did it reluctantly because it seemed the best thing to do. That he was fully devoted to his work once ordained is something else altogether.

I disagree with Timothy Stunt's remarks on JND's uncertainty for so long after his accident. I cannot share his suspicion of Darby's remarks made in later life about the early years. Actually I have discovered an amazing consistency in these remarks - taken from various decades in his life. Darby himself explains the uncertainty Stunt writes about. Namely his knowing or being convinced of certain things but out of fear and weakness not taking an open stand for them. If he was uncertain it was not about his ideas, but rather about their effect when made public.

In the "Darby Collection" there is a letter to Darby probably from Rev. William Cleaver. In his book Stunt suggests a date of 1828 for this letter - as proof of Darby being active in the Church again after his accident. In it "Cleaver" is asking Darby to visit a family who want to conform.

From all I know of Darby, I can't imagine him actively getting people to join the Established Church after the "insights" he gained while recuperating from his accident.

I have had the original letter in question in my possession. There is no year given. Only: April 9th. In pencil someone has added 1826. This year seems more correct. Agrees more with the contents of the letter.

There is also the letter from "Captain Rock" dated February 2, 1829 and the farewell letter from Darby's parishioners dated March 28, 1829. These two seem to confirm the change in Darby AFTER his accident. What would he otherwise be doing in County Clare, obviously working in an evangelistic way - that's why the threat - far away from the parish and people he was actually responsible for as a clergyman? Simple answer: he wasn't one any more. The parishioner letter fits in well here - not the letter from Cleaver!!

If Darby left the Establishment some time after his accident and went to County Clare in February 1829 (to visit Synge or Vaughan relatives?) his getting a farewell letter in March from his parishioners makes sense. What doesn't make sense is getting a letter in April 1828 from Cleaver (from Delgany) asking him - obviously as a curate of the Established Church - to visit people every day for a week to help them conform!! Stunt's dating of this letter must be wrong. I would place it before his riding accident. What do you think?

Well I now have information to confirm the year of the Cleaver letter to Darby in which he asks Darby to be of assistance in helping the Sheridan family conform. 1826 was too early, but it was before his riding accident! It took place in April of 1827.

The letter carries the date April 9 and Cleaver writes:

"There are two persons at Windgates, Sheridan & his wife, who have expressed themselves desirous to conform. I have only seen Sheridan once myself upon the subject. Mr. Ball however has seen him - and I have begged Manning to pay every attention to him in his power. But you would greatly oblige me, by having man & wife together - would it be too much to say - every day during the present week - I know not whether they would be prepared to make a public profession next Sunday - But what makes me feel the more anxious to have the benefit of your instruction for them is that I cannot but feel that the change which they are contemplating affords a choice opportunity for presenting Christianity to them in all its importance & power. I will be guided by you, whether or no to postpone their public profession beyond next Sunday."

A historian from County Wicklow wrote to me yesterday and said:

"Sheridan, I can tell you that he did conform ... Thomas Sheridan of Windgates, Anne his wife and 2 children conformed on 22 April 1827 which was the Sunday after the one which they tried to get them to make the public profession (15 April)."

So, that is one small piece of the puzzle solved. What is interesting is the fact that Darby kept this particular letter a lifelong

* Timothy Stunt sometime back asked about some items in Bellett"s letter to J. McAllister regarding Darby"s invitation to preach at the Asylum in Lessor Street. Well Timothy is probably right in his assumption that it should be Leeson Street. I could find no Lemon or Lessor Street.

In "Dublin Street Names: Dated and Explained ", by C. T. M'Cready (1892), there is the following:

"Leeson's-walk. 1756. -str. 1765. -yd. 1766. -pk. 1860. From Joseph Leeson (cr. Earl of Milltown, 1763), who in 1735 leased part of his garden, near S. Stephen's-green. [Haliday, '93.] In 1756, the south side of S. Stephen's-green, q.v., is called Leeson's-walk. In 1728, Leeson-str. lr. is strangely called (probably by a mis-print) Suesy-str. in Brooking's map."

Fitzwilliam Street and Pembroke Street run parallel to each other from (on a map) top right to down left into Leeson Street (south of Fitzwilliam Square) which runs from top left to down right.

In "An Historical Guide to the City of Dublin", by G. N. Wright (1825) I have found:

"The Magdalen Asylum -- is a brick building in Leeson-street, near Stephen's street: this institution, the first of the kind in Dublin, was founded by Lady Arabella Denny, and was opened June 11, 1766. Its objects are the protection and subsequent reformation of deserted females, who having at first departed from the paths of virtue, have become disgusted with vice, and seek the means of qualifying themselves once more to associate with moral society.

Its means of support are, the interest of 2,000l. raised originally by voluntary subscriptions, the collection of the annual charity-sermon, and the Sunday collections of the chapel. The produce of the penitents' labour is partly bestowed upon them, as an incentive to industry, and a part is reserved for donations upon their being restored to moral habits, and permitted to quit the asylum.

The chapel is capable of containing upwards of 600 persons, and is always crowded by the most respectable classes; consequently, the collections are considerable, probably amounting to 500l. per annum. Among other causes this is to be attributed to the eloquence and popularity of the preacher."

This is very probably the street, Leeson, and the Asylum.